Has Israel Really Changed?

Published originally under the title "Has There Been a Ferocity Shift among Jewish and Arab Israelis, or Just a Surge in Emotions?"

Winfield Myers

An apparent sea change took place in the aftermath of Oct. 7, when Hamas massacred an estimated 1,400 Israelis. The idea of Israel attaining victory over the Palestinians went from the margins to the mainstream, from peripheral to consensual. Politicians and polls both support this idea. Israelis seem to be a transformed people. But are they?

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu made victory his constant exhortation: “Victory will take time. ... Now we are focusing on one goal, and that is to unite our forces and storm ahead to complete victory.” He told soldiers: “The entire people of Israel are behind you and we will deal harsh blows to our enemies to achieve victory. To victory!” And “We will emerge victorious.”

“I am responsible for bringing victory.” - Defense Minister Yoav Gallant

Defense Minister Yoav Gallant quoted himself informing President Biden that Israel‘s victory “is essential for us and for the United States.” To his soldiers, Mr. Gallant declared, “I am responsible for bringing victory.”

Bezalel Smotrich, the minister of finance, announced the halt “of all budgetary outlays and redirected them to one thing only: Israel‘s victory.” He called the goal of Israel‘s war with Hamas to be “a crushing victory.”

Benny Gantz, a member of the wartime Cabinet, deemed it “the time for resilience and victory.”

But these politicians represent what is widely called “the most right-wing government in Israeli history.”

What about others in the country? Many others do indeed agree that Hamas must be eliminated:

  • Naftali Bennett, former prime minister: “It’s time to destroy Hamas.”
  • Brigadier Gen. Amir Avivi: “We need to destroy Hamas. We need to deprive them completely from their capabilities.”
  • Chuck Freilich, former deputy national security adviser (in Haaretz): “Israel must now deal Hamas an unequivocal defeat.”
  • Tamir Heyman, former Israel Defense Forces intelligence chief: “We have to win.”
  • David Horovitz, Times of Israel editor: “There is a war to be won.”
  • Yaakov Amidror, former national security adviser: Hamas “should be killed and destroyed.”
  • Meir Ben Shabbat, former national security adviser: “Israel should destroy everything connected to Hamas.”

Benny Gantz, a member of the wartime Cabinet, deemed it “the time for resilience and victory.”

And Israel‘s population as a whole? To find out, the Middle East Forum commissioned a poll on Oct. 17 of 1,086 Israeli adults. It found extraordinary support for the destruction of Hamas, for a ground operation to achieve this, and for not making concessions in exchange for formal ties with Saudi Arabia. (Shlomo Filber and Zuriel Sharon of Direct Polls Ltd. carried out the poll; it has a statistical sampling error of plus or minus 4 percentage points.)

When asked “What should be Israel‘s primary objective” in the current war, 70% of the public answered to “eliminate Hamas.” In contrast, only 15% answered to “secure the unconditional release of captives held by Hamas” and 13% “disarm Hamas completely.”

Remarkably, 54% of those Israeli Arabs (or, more technically, voters who supported the Joint List, a radical anti-Zionist Arab party), made “eliminate Hamas” their preferred objective.

Given the option of a ground operation in Gaza to eradicate Hamas or avoiding a ground operation in favor of another way to deal with Hamas, 68% chose the former and 25% the latter. This time, 52% of Israeli Arabs concurred with the majority.

A similar number of respondents, 72%, rejected making “significant concessions to the Palestinian Authority” as the price for formal ties, with only 21 percent saying yes. Here, 62% of Israeli Arabs voted with the majority.

Does this ferocity signify a fundamental shift in outlook among Jewish and Arab Israelis, or just a passing surge in emotions?

In short, a ferociously anti-Hamas and anti-Palestinian Authority mood dominates Israeli politics, with only the two left-wing parties (Labor and Meretz) in opposition. Even a majority of Israeli Arabs recognize the danger that Hamas and the Palestinian Authority pose to their safety and well-being.

The big question then is: Does this ferocity signify a fundamental shift in outlook among Jewish and Arab Israelis, or just a passing surge in emotions?

As a longtime observer and as an historian of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, I tend to see the latter as more likely. From 1882 to the present, the two feuding parties have compiled records of remarkably sterile continuity. The Palestinians have a mentality of rejectionism (no, no, and never to everything Jewish and Israeli), while Zionists stick to conciliation (accept us and we will enrich you). The two go around and around, hardly changing or making progress.

Accordingly, I expect the inflamed Israeli mood of the moment will likely fade with time, as old patterns reassert themselves and business-as-usual returns.

Daniel Pipes is president of the Middle East Forum.

Daniel Pipes, a historian, has led the Middle East Forum since its founding in 1994. He taught at Chicago, Harvard, Pepperdine, and the U.S. Naval War College. He served in five U.S. administrations, received two presidential appointments, and testified before many congressional committees. The author of 16 books on the Middle East, Islam, and other topics, Mr. Pipes writes a column for the Washington Times and the Spectator; his work has been translated into 39 languages. DanielPipes.org contains an archive of his writings and media appearances; he tweets at @DanielPipes. He received both his A.B. and Ph.D. from Harvard. The Washington Post deems him “perhaps the most prominent U.S. scholar on radical Islam.” Al-Qaeda invited Mr. Pipes to convert and Edward Said called him an “Orientalist.”
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I recently witnessed something I haven’t seen in a long time. On Friday, August 16, 2024, a group of pro-Hamas activists packed up their signs and went home in the face of spirited and non-violent opposition from a coalition of pro-American Iranians and American Jews. The last time I saw anything like that happen was in 2006 or 2007, when I led a crowd of Israel supporters in chants in order to silence a heckler standing on the sidewalk near the town common in Amherst, Massachusetts. The ridicule was enough to prompt him and his fellow anti-Israel activists to walk away, as we cheered their departure. It was glorious.