Jihad Wants Your Daughter (and Your Neck)

This is the author's translation of an article published originally in Spanish under the title "La Jihad quiere a tu hija (y tu cuello)."

Winfield Myers

The Western world has a serious problem in its midst: rampant Islamism. And although it is true that the intensity of the problem varies from country to country, it is no less true that the more Muslim population on its soil, the more radicalism and aggressions against our way of life. Unfortunately, this reality is exacerbated in all its negative aspects by a collective blindness, most of the time adorned as multiculturalism, and the refusal to accept that Islam and Western liberal democratic values are incompatible.

We are seeing it these days. After the terrible attack of Hamas terrorists in Israel, with torture, rape, kidnappings, and indiscriminate shootings, which have left more than a thousand Israelis dead, many major European and North American cities been taken over by demonstrations of Muslim minorities in favor of Hamas (and in some cases, accompanied by the local extreme left, as in Spain).

Once Israel began to defend itself, there were violent acts and attacks clearly of an anti-Semitic nature. In addition to the assaults on synagogues and Jewish educational centers, there has been the slitting of the throat of a Christian teacher in Arras, France, stabbings in half of Europe and the execution of two Swedish soccer players in Brussels. And all of this has been accompanied by cries of “Allah is the greatest” everywhere.

I believe that since 9/11 and the succession of attacks in Europe since 11M (March 11, 2004) in Madrid, 7/7 (July 7, 2005) in London, and the string of attacks between 2014 and 2017, Western society has seen the most visible costs of Islamic terrorism. So have our leaders and security decision-makers. And yet, this new form of terror has not come to be fully understood in all its implications.

Firstly, because our politicians, in order to ensure a certain “social cohesion” and avoid situations of repudiation of certain religious currents, have chosen to separate jihadist terrorism from Muslim radicalism and Islam in general. Al Qaeda or the Islamic State have been seen as terrorist organizations, comparable to the Baader Meinhoff Gang, for example, that had to be fought in their organic aspects, dismantling of cells, logistics, or militants, but without taking into account their roots and religious motivations. This led, first, to individual police successes, but later to a lack of understanding of the phenomenon of the so-called “lone wolf” and a lack of preparation for low-level attacks perpetrated by radicalized Muslims who used machetes or knives or vehicles to commit murder.

Even worse, jihadist terrorism was completely disconnected from other criminal behavior, such as sexual abuse or rape committed by Muslims on European soil – a phenomenon that, as we know, has multiplied exponentially since the great migratory flow of 2015 irresponsibly promoted by Germany’s Angela Merkel.

The demonstrations of recent days should serve as a wake-up call to something that is urgent to understand if the Western world wants to survive: in Islam there is a continuum ranging from disgust for certain Western social attitudes (gays and lesbians in public, for example), the rejection of the pillars of our society (equality between men and women), the condemnation of our beliefs (Christians and Jews are inferior to Muslims and must bow to Allah), and the need to impose themselves by force (jihad or holy war). There are no barriers between one stage and the other. But, in addition, the journey from disgust to martyrdom can be carried out in an abrupt and accelerated manner. For example, gang or individual rapes committed by Muslim immigrants clearly respond to the lack of respect for women so characteristic of the Muslim world, and the lack of integration in a world where women can dress or behave as they wish without wanting to be an object of sexual subjugation for it. But it may also be part of an anti-Western strategy. We know this well from the sexual slavery to which the Islamic State subjected thousands of young Yezidi girls and these days from the rapes committed by Hamas terrorists on Israeli women for the sole purpose of harming them and instilling fear. It is not for nothing that Islam has developed a whole concept to justify the rape of infidels in the context of jihad: Taharrush.

European leaders have also failed us in another very important aspect, by not linking jihadist terrorism with Islam, and by not wanting to see Islamism as a social problem: immigration from Muslim countries has been seen as something positive in terms of labor and, at best, neutral in social terms. But we know that this is not the case. Wanting to believe that immigration in recent decades was comparable to that of the 1960s and 1970s, when immigrants were essentially economically motivated and willing to work hard, they have ignored important differences. First among these is the changes in Muslim cities since then such as the rise of a more rigorist religion and a more radicalized view of “infidel” societies thanks to the doctrines of Wahhabism promoted by Saudi Arabia and its petrodollars. Nor have they taken into account the demographic change in these countries, now with a majority of young people under 35 years of age, who are indoctrinated with contempt for our values and in the glorification of Islamist martyrs.

Whoever does not want to see it should ask himself how it is possible that it is possible that all this cheap labor is, today, in reality a social burden, since more than a third of these are unemployed and have no intention of looking for a job, but instead live on the many social benefits. And as for social friction, how can we explain that the crime rate among Muslim immigrants is double or triple that of Spaniards, French, or Italians? How can we understand that the majority of gang rapes are committed by Muslim immigrants?

On the other hand, the huge human rights industry has allowed the discourse of hatred towards the West to grow on our soil by preventing the deportation of the most radical elements of the immigrant population. There are well-intentioned ones, but it must also be kept in mind that, for the left, the radical Muslim world is the new proletariat with which to carry out their programmed destruction of the capitalist system. Without revolutionary workers, they are left with only universities and mosques. A good example is all the human trafficking that is being subsidized by our ever-willing NGOs.

Europe has forgotten something essential in the widow and the social order: the role of religion. After killing God we have believed that religion is a relic from the past from which we have escaped. But this is not true. And even less so in the case of Islam, which is still alive and militant.

There is something no one wants to say, although it is beginning to be sensed: wherever the Muslim population crosses the 10 percent threshold, it becomes the dominant social force. Its power is local for the moment, but it will spread geographically and politically if nothing is done to stop it. This minority will start by imposing its culinary habits, its restrictive morals, and will end with the sharia applied to its own and to all of us. It will be the destruction of our judicial system, our freedoms, and our security. And as in the case of shipwrecks, women will be first.

As long as jihadist terrorism is fought in isolation, and as long as Islam is not seen as the religious root of a much broader social problem, we will be digging our own grave. It is only a matter of time.

Rafael Bardaji, a writing fellow at the Middle East Forum, is the executive director of the Friends of Israel Initiative and former national security adviser to the Spanish government.

Rafael Bardaji is executive director of Friends of Israel Initiative. He served in 1996-2004 as Spain’s National Security Advisor for Prime Minister Jose’ Mari’a Aznar. He is an advisor to the Special Operation Forces HQ at NATO and since 2004 has worked as director of Foreign Policy at the Foundation for Analysis and Social Studies. Mr. Bardaji has provided consultancy work for NATO military commands, the Spanish armed forces, the Spanish intelligence service and defense contractors. A member of the Atlantic Council of the United States Strategic Advisory Group, he is the author of books and articles. Follow Rafael Bardaji on Twitter @@rafael_bardaji
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