The fight against the Houthis is now more than a decade long. The Iran-backed terror group remains ensconced in Sana’a and much of northern Yemen, continues its de facto control of the Hudaydah port, and now seeks to take control of Yemen’s modest oil fields around Marib.
The Houthis’ continued existence suggests that previous strategies did not work. The Biden administration’s efforts at diplomacy failed. Its delisting the Houthis as a Foreign Terrorist Organization only emboldened the group. Nor has Omani mediation worked. Using the U.S. Navy in freedom of navigation operations was more military virtue signaling than a long-term solution.
President Donald Trump has re-listed the Houthis. While he demands regional allies across the globe defend themselves, rather than rely on the United States to provide a defensive umbrella, he is simultaneously willing to give allies what they need to accomplish their mission.
Yemen’s military must have the capability to monitor, deter, and strike Houthi forces independently, without relying on Western intervention.
Here, there is an opportunity. Relying solely on U.S. and allied military forces is a non-starter. Yemen’s internationally recognized government needs to take the lead securing its own territory. The Yemeni government has signaled its readiness to fight but without the right weapons, it remains outgunned. If Washington is serious about restoring deterrence, protecting global commerce, and countering Iranian expansionism, it must arm the Yemenis with the tools necessary to win.
The Houthis’ asymmetric tactics—missile strikes, drone swarms, small boat attacks, and naval mines—require a multilayered defense strategy. Yemen’s military must have the capability to monitor, deter, and strike Houthi forces independently, without relying on Western intervention every time Tehran escalates. This means integrating missile defense, air power, naval assets, intelligence, surveillance, reconnaissance (ISR) platforms, and special forces into a cohesive force.
Within the first six months, focus should be ISR capabilities, counter-drone systems, and naval patrol assets to disrupt Houthi operations before they can strike. This includes MQ-9 Reaper drones operated by U.S. forces for real-time intelligence and precision strikes against Houthi missile launch sites, electronic warfare systems to jam and disable Houthi drones and missile guidance systems, and fast attack craft armed with anti-ship missiles to counter Houthi swarm boat attacks in the Red Sea.
With sustained investment over the next year, Yemen can begin fielding offensive strike capabilities and mine-clearing operations. This could entail drones, produced locally through military contractors like the United Arab Emirates’ EDGE Group and Saudi Arabia’s SAMI, to reduce dependence on Western supply chains. Additionally, this phase should include the High Mobility Artillery Rocket System (HIMARS) to strike Houthi missile launch sites before they can target international shipping, Short-Range Air Defense (SHORAD) systems, such as Avenger, to protect Yemeni forces from drones and missile barrages, and mine countermeasure vessels to clear naval mines that threaten commercial and military shipping lanes.
Building a capable Yemeni force will not be easy, but a decade of failures should show there are no shortcuts.
To fully neutralize the Houthi threat and prevent future Iranian entrenchment over the long term, 18 months after the initiation of the strategy, Yemen’s forces must integrate advanced air defense and offensive capabilities. This includes National Advanced Surface-to-Air Missile System (NASAMS) or Patriot PAC-3 missile defense systems to intercept ballistic and cruise missile attacks on Yemeni ports and air bases, Harpoon or long-range anti-ship missiles (LRASMs) to target Houthi naval assets and missile launch platforms, and upgraded F-16 or F/A-18 fighter jets—not necessarily for the Yemenis themselves, but through air sorties flown by security partners in a joint operations framework.
Throughout this process, Yemen must also develop special operations capabilities and cyber warfare tools to disrupt Houthi missile networks, while leveraging intelligence-sharing from U.S. and regional partners. Special Operations Forces Teams could be used for maritime interdiction and sabotage of Houthi naval assets, while cyber and electronic countermeasures could disrupt missile guidance systems and jam UAV communications.
Building a capable Yemeni force will not be easy, but a decade of failures should show there are no shortcuts. Fielding these systems will require cooperation between the United States, Gulf partners, and European defense contractors—likely with Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates acting as intermediaries.
Still, challenges remain. Yemen’s military infrastructure is in shambles. Ports, air bases, and supply chains remain vulnerable to Houthi attacks, requiring immediate investment in logistics and force protection.
Weapon diversion is a real risk. Without proper oversight, advanced systems could fall into the wrong hands, including Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP). The United States, however, has experience with end-use monitoring and training programs.
Iran may escalate. As Yemen strengthens its military, Tehran could push back with more advanced missiles, drones, and sabotage operations. Washington must be prepared to counter any Iranian aggression, both militarily and diplomatically. Here, though, the fall of former Syrian President Bashar al-Assad and Hezbollah’s defeats return the momentum to the anti-Islamic Republic coalition. U.S. naval operations in the Gulf of Aden could stop Iranian resupply, and diplomatic pressure on Oman could stop Muscat’s double-game.
The Trump administration understands that securing the Red Sea and crushing Houthi aggression requires action, not appeasement.
