The Cyprus-Egypt recent energy agreements mark a strategic shift in the Eastern Mediterranean, reinforcing a Western-aligned energy axis to help counter Turkish assertiveness, limit Russian influence, and reduce China’s economic reach in the region. More than commercial partnerships, these agreements stabilize Mediterranean energy flows and prevent adversaries from dictating the region’s future.
As Ankara pursues regional dominance and Moscow weaponizes energy, the United States must elevate Cyprus and Egypt’s energy cooperation as a cornerstone of its Eastern Mediterranean strategy. Failure to act will leave a strategic vacuum that adversarial powers will exploit, weakening U.S. influence in a region vital to American security and economic interests.
The agreements include a Memorandum of Understanding between Cyprus, Egypt, and energy companies for the development of the Aphrodite gas field, alongside a Host Government Agreement for hydrocarbon exploitation in Block 6 of Cyprus’s exclusive economic zone. Egypt will process and export Cypriot natural gas through its liquefied natural gas terminals, offering the United States and its allies a secure, non-Russia energy source for Europe.
The United States must elevate Cyprus and Egypt’s energy cooperation as a cornerstone of its Eastern Mediterranean strategy.
These agreements are central to Eastern Mediterranean maritime disputes. Cyprus has legally delineated its exclusive economic zone through agreements with Egypt (2003), Israel (2010), and Lebanon (2007) under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. However, Turkey rejects this international framework, refuses to recognize Cypriot sovereignty, and has deployed naval forces to disrupt drilling operations. It also has declared the Cyprus-Egypt agreements “null and void,” signaling an intent to obstruct their implementation.
Turkey aims to control regional energy routes. Its 2019 maritime pact with Libya attempted to erase Greek and Cypriot maritime boundaries, violating international law. Egypt countered by signing a maritime boundary agreement with Greece in 2020, legally dismantling Ankara’s revisionist claims.
Turkey’s interference in regional energy security is not an isolated challenge but part of a broader strategy to reshape regional power dynamics at the expense of U.S. allies and interests. Its actions disrupt regional stability and complicate Washington’s efforts to establish a secure, diversified energy supply chain for Europe. To preserve stability, the United States must act to prevent Ankara from leveraging energy as a geopolitical weapon.
The Cyprus-Egypt energy agreements align with Washington’s geopolitical priorities:
First, Egypt’s liquefied natural gas infrastructure provides a reliable, non-Russian export route, aligning with Washington’s goal of reducing Europe’s dependence on Moscow and reinforcing transatlantic energy security.
Second, supporting the Cyprus-Egypt energy axis weakens Turkey’s ability to manipulate regional energy flows. Turkey’s foreign policy makes it an unreliable strategic partner. The United States must secure Mediterranean energy security through stable, cooperative allies like Cyprus and Egypt, rather than allowing Turkey to dictate terms.
Third, these agreements counter China’s expanding economic footprint in Middle Eastern and African energy markets. By backing Cypriot-Egyptian energy cooperation, the United States blocks China’s expansion in a strategically vital corridor.
For these reasons, and to safeguard its strategic interests, Washington should take action:
The United States must take concrete steps to counter Turkish interference.
The United States must take concrete steps to counter Turkish interference. Washington should work with European allies to secure diplomatic backing, enforce international maritime law, and provide security assurances that reinforce the Cyprus-Egypt energy partnership as a strategic asset aligned with U.S. interests.
Washington also can facilitate private-sector investment and strategic financing mechanisms to expand liquefied natural gas infrastructure in Cyprus and Egypt. By mobilizing energy companies, financial institutions, and investment incentives, Washington can ensure the long-term viability of non-Russian gas supply routes.
Lastly, it is essential to strengthen regional security cooperation. The United States should leverage its partnerships within the East Mediterranean Gas Forum to enhance security coordination around energy infrastructure, thereby reinforcing stability and energy resilience in the region.
The Trump administration should view these agreements not as economic partnerships but as strategic imperatives. They reinforce international maritime law, strengthen alliances, and ensure energy security for Europe. While the Senate has not ratified the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), the United States abides by it because it considers most of its content to be customary international law. Inaction on the Eastern Mediterranean, however, will embolden revisionist powers, weaken legal norms, and jeopardize U.S. and European energy security. If Washington fails to engage, adversarial powers will dictate Mediterranean energy security—a costly strategic miscalculation.
