America First Divided: Why Trump and His Men Must Guard Against Woke Right That Mimics Left

If the presidential election has proven anything, it is that President Donald Trump’s brand of MAGA populism, christened America First, is a big tent. Far from the Republican party of Mitch McConnell, America’s ruling coalition is a refreshing new blend of old principles that include a robust, domestic industrial policy unburdened by excessive regulation and taxes, a renewed commitment to the First Amendment, a purging of the bureaucratic federal agencies, and an overhaul of military spending and foreign entanglements. It emphasizes freedom, family, and faith, while rejecting globalism, Marxism, and elitism.

But as patriots across the country celebrate Trump’s victory, lurking in the shadows is a sinister threat to the new conservative alignment. This faction of the America First camp has grown increasingly since the October 7^th massacre in Israel, attracting monikers such as the reactionary right, identitarian right, revisionist right, barbarian right, and neo-buchananites. But no tag has garnered as much online fanfare as the woke right.

Several podcasters and social media users have taken note of this phenomenon, discerning that though they self-identify with America First, the woke right’s tactics emulate their collectivist contenders on the left. But few realize that both political aisles also share the same values and ideology. Characterized by a form of right-wing nihilism comprised of a vile strain of jealous anti-Zionism and a disdain for the post-World War II, US-led unipolar order, the woke right embraces narratives that undercut a strong and successful America, and undermine core conservative ideals of liberty, tradition, and capitalism. In short, both the woke right and woke left hate America, as she currently stands, and wish to see her fall.

This loose cast of characters encompasses libertarians such as Dave Smith and Scott Horton, groypers like Nick Fuentes and Jake Shields, Christian nationalists like Candace Owens and Lauren Chen, self-declared fascists like Darryl Cooper and Karlyn Borysenko, and health freedom advocates like Stew Peters and Michael Yon. At the helm is paleoconservative Tucker Carlson, without whom these individuals and their supporters would remain peripheral and largely irrelevant.

The woke right repeatedly question America’s righteous authority on the global stage by approaching history through a revisionist lens. Instead of dispassionate critiques, they arrogantly villainize Western heroes such as Martin Luther King and grossly minimize tragic events such as the Holocaust. While the progressive left destroys statues of Winston Churchill and Abraham Lincoln, the woke right destroy their namesakes. Such rhetoric mirrors progressive “critical theory,” with its aim to tear down the moral and historical foundations of Western civilization. Journalist Mary Harrington has referred to such tactics as the right’s 1619 project. Insisting that they are merely questioning the status quo, in truth, the woke right are eager to sacrifice any history or mythology, sans Christianity, to the altars of postmodern deconstructionism, and fall back on the defense of “just asking questions” to mask their bad faith inquiries, in the same way anti-racist educators pose pseudo-innocuous questions to kindergarteners about how many privileges their white peers enjoy.

The woke right has even adopted the standard, progressive, intersectional hierarchy, in which “Zionist Jews” are framed as the ultimate oppressors. But in this pseudo-right-wing version, Jews are responsible for the suffering of both Muslims and Christians. Like the progressive left, which recklessly levels the charge of racism without consideration of its merits and, conversely, ignores actual racism where it arises, the woke right care little for the churches being regularly burned and defaced in Canada or the routine slaughters of Christians taking place throughout the Arab world and parts of Africa. Instead, their vitriol is reserved for the Jews, under the euphemistic guise of opposing “Zionists.” Unfounded diatribes about Jewish mistreatment of Christians contrast sharply with America First’s recognition of Israel as a key ally and a safe haven for Christians – the one place in the Middle East, in fact, where the Christian population is not only increasing, but is the most successful minority, even outpacing Jews by certain metrics.

The woke right extend their vitriol of the collective Jew (the Jewish state) to the individual, often resurrecting ancient blood libels in which Zionists are accused of global conspiracies, from the assassination of JFK and the Armenian Genocide to, to the sinkings of the Titanic and OceanGate, to the attacks of both September 11^th and October 7^th. America First, on the other hand, cherishes Judaism as the cradle of Western morality, inextricably linked to Christian values. It applauds Israel for being the only developed country with an increasing birthrate, and one that has yet to be overrun by the secular, self-destructive ideology of neo-Marxism. But inconvenient facts be damned to the woke right.

Last February, Tucker participated in a globalist forum in Dubai, where he characterized America as an imperialistic hegemon. Resembling President Obama more than President Trump, Tucker’s rhetoric is toxic to the nationalism of America First. Much more than a policy disagreement, the woke right are not satisfied with valid critiques of the neoconservative project of nation-building. Like their counterparts on the left, they are dogmatic in the view that nothing is, and cannot be, more heinous than US imperialism. “Once a person accepts that Western imperialism is the greatest possible evil,” writes former Marxist Kathleen Hayes, “she must cheer any atrocity carried out by the neocolonial oppressed against it; or if she has any kind of conscience, lie about what her heroes actually do.” Columnist David Marcus took note of this woke right tendency, remarking on X, “When [did] ‘America First’ become Blame America First?”

In contrast, America First recognizes that while America has squandered vast resources and sacrificed her men in the failed project to defend her and her allies abroad, they do not consider her intrinsically sinful for doing so. This is what distinguishes the foreign restraint of America First from the blind isolationism of the woke right, the latter of which is so idealistic that they fail to realize the consequence of their supposedly “pro-America” protectionism: a multi-polar world scheming collectively to counter American economic power through the establishment of BRICS or threats of a nuclear Armageddon, and of which America must support strategic alliances to prevent. The woke right’s pride in anti-war neo-isolationism is not indicative of patriotic nationalism. It is appeasement, a capitulation to the values of America’s ideological enemies. Their ignorance of military deterrence begs the question: If a hostile actor knows there are no significant consequences to starting a war, why wouldn’t he start one? Journalist Douglas Murray puts it best: These keyboard warriors live “in this post-historical dream, where there are no enemies, where the jungle isn’t there.”

The woke right have also failed to grasp a key component of “American exceptionalism” beyond her promise of free speech and small government: Pro-American democracies that are less resourceful and more vulnerable depend upon the US to protect them from rogue, malevolent states and non-state actors. America has assumed this responsibility precisely because she puts her national interests first, recognizing that such a strategy avoids having to fight an eventual war on her own soil. The woke right are adept at articulating the threat to the Western way of life within its borders but fail to consider the foreign threats to their freedom as seriously as required. In deliberate denial about the routine “Death to America” chants echoed by the Ayatollahs in Iran and the IRGC’s assassination attempts on President Trump’s life, and unconcerned with the Chinese Communist Party’s documented 100-year plan to bring America to her knees, they’ll revere Putin for his anti-woke lip service while disregarding his partnership with China against the US for more than a decade. When Andrew Tate praises the Taliban on Tucker’s show without a word of pushback, it’s clear that their priorities do not include free speech and democracy.

Apart from “Zionists,” there is no worse menace to the woke right than a neoconservative. A pimp like Andrew Tate? A gambler like Dan Bilzerian? No problem - a little Christian charity here please. But a neocon? Irredeemable. In fact, the woke right frequently indulge leftists and Islamists, no matter how woke or anti-American, as long as they deplore neoconservatives. From Chomsky acolyte Glenn Greenwald and self-declared communist Jackson Hinkle to Islamic fundamentalist Suleiman Ahmed and dye in the wool globalist Jeffrey Sachs, the woke right appear to be replicating a right-wing iteration of the red-green alliance - the post-9/11 joint project of liberal-progressives and illiberal Islamists to overlook their ideological differences with the ulterior aim of tearing down the Western order, beginning with the state of Israel. A couple of pedophiles who fled to Israel and haven’t been extradited (due to Israel’s long-standing policy of not extraditing Jews) is proof to the woke right that both Israel and Judaism have demonic origins but referencing the Catholic church, with all its pedophilic lawsuits and scandals, is bad form and beyond the pale. Indeed, while performing as righteous puritans, invoking biblical language in a battle between good vs. evil, they hypocritically endorse guests who are guilty of the very sins they condemn.

Figures affiliated with the woke right adopt progressive tactics such as purity tests, bullying, name-calling, and self-righteous victimology. The online trolls are particularly vicious. Advocate for a victorious Ukraine or Israel, and you are hit with the charge of being mentally unwell, a neocon, a war-hawk, evil, satanic, demonic, a Zionist, a Jewish supremacist, or even just “a Jew.” Resorting to pejorative labeling of one’s detractors is rank identity politics in lockstep with left-wing smears of “QAnon,” “white supremacist,” or “racist” (Note that “Jewish supremacist,” “warmonger,” and “Zionist” are common cries of both groups). “When you dare criticize one of their icons,” notes commentator Ian Haworth, “they sound exactly like purple-haired Palestine flag-waving AOC fans.”

Worse, and in keeping with woke orthodoxy, the woke right perceive any objection as an attempt at cancellation. “Some on the right have become addicted to finding cancel culture everywhere,” says biologist Collin Wright. This victim mentality affords them a degree of political power, positioned as heterodox underdogs fighting the prevailing consensus. Their wrecking ball strategy is circular, making provocative declarations with the aim of evoking criticism, then citing that criticism as evidence that their topic of conversation is societally taboo.

As the 2024 US presidential elections drew nearer, the woke right’s rejection of America First principles became clear when some of its proponents began denouncing President Trump and his running mate, often for their support of Israel. And yet, the America First crowd has been largely ignorant or unwilling to accept that Tucker Carlson is attempting to realign the conservative movement by mainstreaming an “army of disaffected Christians,” as author James Lindsay characterizes it, who would have trouble finding a voice within ordinary society if not for the internet. “The most influential Trump-aligned media figure in the country,” notes journalist Jacob Siegel, “is trying to establish a new normative politics for the Trump movement.” Thus far, Trump has fortunately not appointed such individuals to serve in his administration. But there is inside pressure from the woke right on him to do so.

While the defining characteristic of America First in 2024 may be its broad coalition of diverse supporters, Trump conservatives must guard against factions that exploit its platform in service of an emotionally fragile and narcissistic agenda that mimics the identity politics of the left.

Trump conservatives must recognize that today, there are two America First camps and, ironically, one of them hates America.