On Being Borked

How foes distorted my record

In the months since President Bush nominated me to the board of the United States Institute of Peace, confirmation etiquette has obliged me not to talk about my nomination. I thus found myself having to remain mute as opponents said what they would about me.

For five months, I quietly endured Sen. Edward Kennedy borking me as someone not “committed to bridging differences and bringing peace” and a Washington Post editorial criticizing me as “a destroyer” of cultural bridges, among other slings.

Fortunately, others responded on my behalf; for example, Sen. Chuck Schumer and the Los Angeles Times both endorsed my nomination.

My months of silence finally came to an end last Friday, when President Bush invoked his constitutional authority (Article II, Section 2) to recess-appoint me and eight others; we will serve through the end of the current session of Congress, or January 2005.

But the accusations remain painful to me. I’ve spent two-thirds of my life studying the Middle East, learned the Arabic language, traveled the Muslim world, lived three years in Cairo, taught courses on the region at Harvard and specialized on it at the State and Defense departments.

In short, my career has been exactly devoted to “bridging differences and bringing peace.”

So, how did some come to discern me as hostile to Islam? I see this resulting from two main developments.

Distortion: My political opponents - Islamists, Palestinian irredentists, the far left - cherry-pick through my record, then triumphantly brandish selectively-quoted snippets to malign me.

Consider the following, from a 1990 article of mine. Although I pooh-poohed the idea of a Muslim threat, I acknowledged that Western Europe (as opposed to the United States) could have problems with Muslim immigration because Europeans “are unprepared for the massive immigration of brown-skinned peoples cooking strange foods and maintaining different standards of hygiene.”

Out of context, this seems to show hostility to Muslims. But my opponents:

  • Ignore my having explained that “brown-skinned peoples” and “strange foods” were quotes of then-current European views, not my sentiments. (In retrospect, I should have placed those words in quotation marks.)
  • Never quote two subsequent sentences: “The movement of Muslims to Western Europe creates a great number of painful but finite challenges; there is no reason, however, to see this event leading to a cataclysmic battle between two civilizations. If handled properly, the immigrants can even bring much of value, including new energy, to their host societies.”

It is on the basis of such distortions that my critics built their case.

Confusion: I strenuously draw a distinction between the religion of Islam and the ideology of militant Islam; “militant Islam is the problem. moderate Islam is the solution” has virtually become my mantra. But these are novel and complex ideas. As a result, my enmity toward militant Islam sometimes gets misunderstood as hostility toward Islam itself.

For example, last Saturday the Philadelphia Inquirer ran a front-page story about my appointment in which I am quoted saying: “Conflict without violence is the goal. We have differences with all our allies, but there is no possibility of resorting to force with them, and that is the goal which we all hope for. But that is not where we find ourselves now, as we found in Iraq and Afghanistan. We cannot always rely on nonviolent methods.”

Not understanding my argument, the headline writer paraphrased this analysis as “Pipes says Muslim war might be needed.” In fact, it should have been “Pipes says war on militant Islam might be needed.”

I believe this distinction - between Islam and militant Islam - stands at the heart of the War on Terror and urgently needs to be clarified for non-specialists. The most effective way to do so, I expect, is by giving voice to the Muslim victims of Islamist totalitarianism.

Come to think of it, that sounds like the sort of activity that the U.S. Institute of Peace might wish to consider undertaking as part of its mission to “promote the prevention, management and peaceful resolution of international conflicts.”

Proposing projects like this is one reason why I look forward to serving on the USIP board.

Daniel Pipes, a historian, has led the Middle East Forum since its founding in 1994. He taught at Chicago, Harvard, Pepperdine, and the U.S. Naval War College. He served in five U.S. administrations, received two presidential appointments, and testified before many congressional committees. The author of 16 books on the Middle East, Islam, and other topics, Mr. Pipes writes a column for the Washington Times and the Spectator; his work has been translated into 39 languages. DanielPipes.org contains an archive of his writings and media appearances; he tweets at @DanielPipes. He received both his A.B. and Ph.D. from Harvard. The Washington Post deems him “perhaps the most prominent U.S. scholar on radical Islam.” Al-Qaeda invited Mr. Pipes to convert and Edward Said called him an “Orientalist.”
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I recently witnessed something I haven’t seen in a long time. On Friday, August 16, 2024, a group of pro-Hamas activists packed up their signs and went home in the face of spirited and non-violent opposition from a coalition of pro-American Iranians and American Jews. The last time I saw anything like that happen was in 2006 or 2007, when I led a crowd of Israel supporters in chants in order to silence a heckler standing on the sidewalk near the town common in Amherst, Massachusetts. The ridicule was enough to prompt him and his fellow anti-Israel activists to walk away, as we cheered their departure. It was glorious.