Qatar Corruption Scandal Engulfs European Parliament

This is an abbreviated version of an article published originally under the title "Why Qatar's Involvement in EU Scandal May Impact Middle East."

Winfield Myers

European Union flags wave in front of the European Parliament building in Brussels. Qatar has been accused of being involved in a corruption scandal that has ensnared several members.

Qatar has been trying to deflect critique from worker’s rights and human rights during the World Cup. Doha now faces a new challenge. Qatar has been accused of being involved in a corruption scandal in Europe that has ensnared several members of the European Parliament.

Over the past week it has been revealed that large sums of cash were found in two homes, and the EU Parliament voted to remove one Greek MEP as one of the 14 vice presidents of the body.

The scandal has important implications for the Middle East. If Doha was targeting left-leaning politicians in the EU for influence and lobbying, which reports suggest, then this may have also influenced policy-making on the Middle East and also critique of Israel.

European Parliament President Roberta Metsola has spoken of “difficult days for European democracy,” according to The Guardian. Qatar has denied the accusations, but media reports in Europe have grown in recent days, and this appears to be the tip of the iceberg in terms of a larger scandal.

“The allegations have cast a shadow over the role of lobby groups at the European Parliament,” The Guardian reported. “A recommendation to allow visa-free travel to the EU for Qataris was set to be voted on by MEPs this week, but has now been shelved.”

On the one hand, this scandal affects Europe and the EU as well as its institutions. It may impact the attempt by Qatar to get various deals. The accusations against Doha are also linked to the wider concern over the World Cup and how Qatar was awarded the ongoing tournament.

Doha has attempted to prevent critique by spreading various types of stories. One type of Qatar narrative is to claim that although Doha may be imperfect, European history is full of crimes as well, such as colonialism.

Another pro-Qatar narrative is to claim that it is “racist” or “Qatarphobia” to critique the wealthy Gulf state. In other areas, Qatar has mobilized human-rights groups and powerful media, including Al Jazeera, to shift the spotlight to critique other countries, such as the UAE or Egypt.

How does Qatar use its wealth for influence?

One of the ways Qatar uses its wealth to influence the region and the West is via playing a double game. Doha often hosts extremists, such as Hamas or the Taliban, and then it portrays itself as the “go-to” place where countries can cut deals with the extremists. That means Qatar sits astride these extremist groups, with a hand on the faucet in a sense, being both a broker of deals and being able to influence the world through a kind of extremist blackmail. In essence: Work with Qatar, or groups such as Hamas or the Taliban might threaten others.

Doha often hosts extremists, such as or the Taliban, and then portrays itself as the “go-to” place where countries can cut deals with the extremists.

This Janus-faced game of being a strategic partner of European countries and the US, while also backing extremists, has not always worked for Qatar. Support for the Muslim Brotherhood and other groups angered other Gulf states and Egypt. In addition, Qatar’s tendency to host voices who may incite against other states in the region does not sit well.

BUT QATAR has powerful friends. It works with Iran and Turkey, and when other Gulf states cut relations with Qatar in 2017, Doha was protected by its powerful friends. It also hosts a US military base.

Qatar has also sought to broker deals relating to Hamas in Gaza, funneling money and portraying itself as helping to buy calm there. For Israel, this is a complex issue, because it wants calm in Gaza, but empowering Qatar as a broker gives Doha a lot of influence.

Doha in trouble in Europe

This kind of bargaining, using money to get influence, appears to have now brought Qatar into scandal in Europe. But Doha has seen this happen before with controversy over the World Cup and also other controversies in the US, and it has generally sailed on without much effect on its overall relations.

The EU scandal seems to reveal that Qatar targeted members of the European Parliament from southern Europe and also people who are involved in human-rights and other left-leaning causes. This means that someone decided that the best people to target in influence peddling were left-leaning voices, those connected to socialist or other similar parties.

But why would these voices be open to dealing with Qatar, a state that openly suppresses gay rights and is authoritarian? This is one of the perplexing aspects of how Doha has portrayed itself over the last two decades, via media such as Al Jazeera, as being different than it is.

Once Doha has pretended that its authoritarianism and support for extremists is “culture,” it claims any critique of its policies is “Islamophobia.”

Even though Qatar is an authoritarian monarchy that not only backs Islamists in the Middle East, but also theocracy and suppresses workers’ rights, it is able to sell itself to left-leaning voices in the West through a complex blend of preying on Orientalist ideas and pretending that its suppression of rights is merely its “culture.”

Once Doha has pretended that its authoritarianism and support for extremists is “culture,” then it claims that any critique of its policies is “Islamophobia.” This tends to buy quiet from critics and also enables its influence to continue.

On the one hand, accusations that Qatar was involved in another corruption scandal are not unique. Many countries try to exploit Western democracy through media influence-peddling and corruption. For instance, for many years, countries sought to influence Washington’s foreign policy by plowing money into think tanks in and around DC. Then those countries would get the think tanks to hire former government officials and get the officials to help lobby for them. This would be passed off as merely “policy” discussions, but the discussions would always have an agenda.

The next question that will need to be asked is how this has influenced foreign policy. Getting visa-free travel or deals for national airlines may be one aspect of the current scandal, but bigger questions relate to how this might influence coverage of human rights in the Middle East and arms sales or technology transfers, and also how it might impact critique of Israel.

Seth Frantzman is a Ginsburg-Milstein Writing Fellow at the Middle East Forum and senior Middle East correspondent at the Jerusalem Post.

A journalist and analyst concentrating on the Middle East, Seth J. Frantzman has a PhD from The Hebrew University of Jerusalem and was an assistant professor at Al-Quds University. He is the Oped Editor and an analyst on Middle East Affairs at The Jerusalem Post and his work has appeared at The National Interest, The Spectator, The Hill, National Review, The Moscow Times, and Rudaw. He is a frequent guest on radio and TV programs in the region and internationally, speaking on current developments in Syria, Iraq and elsewhere. As a correspondent and researcher has covered the war on ISIS in Iraq and security in Turkey, Egypt, the Palestinian Authority, Jordan, the UAE and eastern Europe.
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I recently witnessed something I haven’t seen in a long time. On Friday, August 16, 2024, a group of pro-Hamas activists packed up their signs and went home in the face of spirited and non-violent opposition from a coalition of pro-American Iranians and American Jews. The last time I saw anything like that happen was in 2006 or 2007, when I led a crowd of Israel supporters in chants in order to silence a heckler standing on the sidewalk near the town common in Amherst, Massachusetts. The ridicule was enough to prompt him and his fellow anti-Israel activists to walk away, as we cheered their departure. It was glorious.